German fetish revolution

The next few weeks witnessed escalating confrontations between the left-wing government in Saxony and the German capitalist class. What was key in their calculations was the likelihood that a bold action by the Communist Party would inevitably galvanize the rest of the working class into action. Those were the days when, as retired lieutenant colonel and TomDispatch regular William Astore reminds us, the civilians in the Bush Pentagon thought they were the masters of lightning war. Forget those glowing accounts of Rommel and his Afrika Korps. Only no one really knew what a socialist society would be like, what steps ought to be taken to usher it into existence. So too does nerve, even luck. This was an attempt to create unions independent of the Socialist-run unions.
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Unfortunately, most of the other Communist leaders had long given up any pretense of independence. For a time it served as a control instrument of the ruling classes. An anti-trade union policy had also been adopted. Call it the ultimate high-stakes poker match. Not coincidentally, a new vision of the battlefield emerged in which the U. Although these guys are not brewing beers themselves, their beer menu boasts a massive 80 different craft beers from Berlin and around the world.
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The Comintern and German communism (by L. Proyect)

Harwood and Stanley, Policing the Dystopia Posted at 8: Zinoviev had broken the back of the German Communist Party and the Soviet party and now was doing everything he could to destroy any independent voices in the American party. Zinvoiev was also optimistic, but was reluctant to commit to a timetable. He had been implicated in the failed ultraleft uprising of and was not eager to go out on a limb again. He also was developing a critique of the organizational model of "democratic centralism" that had been encoded in the Second World Congress in a document he found "all too Russian".
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The sectarian and rigidity of the Comintern party-building model are still upheld by the Trotskyists and other "Marxist-Leninists" of today. They assembled a fighting force under the command of General Muller in order to restore order. When Levi returned to Germany to sit down with the Zentrale Central Committee to discuss the Italian events, one of the two Soviet emissaries who engineered the split, a Hungarian by the name of Matyas Rakosi, invited himself to the meeting. But Lenin did not survive his stroke. Rather than going to the left, the masses followed their old organizations, which lined up with the liberal bourgeoisie. Already in the summer of they made it clear that they would split the party in order to participate in parliamentary elections. What a remarkable, not to say bizarre, turnabout!
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